Saix Picot Agreement


The Anglo-French declaration was read in the protocol, and Pichon commented that it showed the selfless position of the two governments towards the Arabs and Lloyd George that it was “more important than all the old agreements”. [91] Pichon mentioned an agreement proposed on 15 February on the basis of the private agreement between Clemenceau and Lloyd George last December. [91] (According to Lieshout, Clemenceau presented Lloyd George, just before Faisal met at the conference of 6, a proposal that seems to cover the same subject; Lieshout, which issued on British materials related to the 6, while the date is not specified in the minutes. [92]) Loevy points to the British and French practice of “Ottoman colonial development as an insider” in sections 4 to 8 of the agreement, and that this experience served as a roadmap for subsequent war negotiations. [51] While Khalidi examined the negotiations of Great Britain and France in 1913 and 1914 on the Homs-Baghdad railway line, as well as their agreements with Germany, in other regions, as a “clear basis” for their subsequent spheres of influence under the agreement. [52] More than a year after the agreement with Russia, British and French representatives, Sir Mark Sykes and François Georges Picot, drafted another secret agreement on the future prey of the Great War. Picot represented a small group determined to ensure control of Syria for France; For his part, Sykes asked the UK to compensate for the influence in the region. The agreement did not allow, to a large extent, the future growth of Arab nationalism, which the British government and army wanted to use at the same time for their advantage vis-à-vis the Turks. The agreement effectively divided the Ottoman provinces outside the Arabian Peninsula into territories of control and influence of the United Kingdom and France. The countries controlled by Great Britain and France were divided by the Sykes-Picot line. [5] The agreement that gave Britain control of present-day southern Israel and Palestine, Jordan and southern Iraq, as well as another small area including the ports of Haifa and Acre, to allow access to the Mediterranean. [6] [7] [8] France should control southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.

[8] The minutes adopted at a meeting of the Big Four on 20 March 1919 in Paris, attended by Woodrow Wilson, Georges Clemenceau, Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour,[90] set out the British and French positions on the agreement. This was the first topic discussed in the discussion on Syria and Turkey and was then at the centre of all the discussions. On 15 September, the British distributed a memory aid (which had been the subject of a private debate two days earlier between Lloyd George and Clemenceau [103]), in which the British withdrew their troops in Palestine and Mesopotamia and handed over Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo to Fayçal`s troops. While accepting the withdrawal, clemenceau continued to insist on the Sykes-Picot agreement as the basis for all discussions. [104] In April 1920, the San Remo Conference distributed Class A warrants on Syria to France and Iraq and Palestine to Britain. The same conference ratified an oil agreement reached at a London conference on 12 February, based on a slightly different version of the Long Berenger agreement, previously signed on 21 December in London. The French elected Picot as French High Commissioner for the soon-to-be-occupied territory of Syria and Palestine. The British appointed Sykes political chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force.

On April 3, 1917, Sykes met Lloyd George, Curzon and Hankey to receive his instructions on the matter, namely to keep the French on their side as they pushed towards a British Palestine. First Sykes in early May, then by chance, Picot and Sykes visited the Hejaz together in May to discuss the agreement with Fayçal and Hussein. [55]166 Hussein was persuaded to accept a formula that the French of Syria would follow the same policy as the British in Baghdad. As Hussein believed that Baghdad would be part of the Arab state, he was finally satisfied with this.